The work has the general objective of indicating the applicable legislation and describing the main Brazilian institutions dedicated to combating organized crime, especially with regard to the repression of corruption, money laundering and terrorism. With regard to methodology, it is a bibliographical review through books and specialized articles and the current national legislation. It is evident that, if it is true that no criminal organization survives without a wide network of co-participants, it is also true that only with the joint efforts and joint action of society, with integration and cooperation between the responsible institutions and active participation of the private sector, we will be able to build mechanisms and strategies for faster reaction and banishment of offenders, evolving into true integrative solidarity.
This article analyzes the mortality of young people in Brazil, as a Juvenicide process and a contemporary expression of Necropolitics. The theoretical concepts and origins of Juvenicide are explained, as the final condition of a broader social process that has been taking place in Latin America; and of Necropolitics, as the state’s power to decide who can die and who can live. The foundations of such concepts and contemporary and Brazilian expressions of Necropolitics are analyzed. Finally, these concepts are related to what has been happening with young people in the national territory of Brazil. It is a reflective theoretical reading about a current social problem, which is an indicator of the violation of the rights of children and adolescents. This reality stems from a historical process, which id identified with the formation of Brazil’s society, but, at the same time, has direct relation with the action and omission of the state, often associated with the naturalization of violence. It is indicated that the possible resistance to all this is in the guarantee of rights, which are foreseen in the international treaties of which Brazil is a signatory and the national legal system.
The article analyses the decision of the Federal Supreme Court of Brazil in the plea of unconstitutionality of the federal legislation that established a ban on advertising for smoky products, whether or not derived from tobacco, and required manufacturers to display health warnings on packages about the health risks of their consumption. At issue were the freedom of expression and the free exercise of economic activity inherent to advertising. The decision, however, gave precedence to the right to health and the protection of children and adolescents, because it is in these age groups that the highest percentage of smoking initiation occurs. It considered that the legislative measures meet the requirements of the principle of proportionality, even if the restriction occurs at the highest level, with only the display of the product inside the points of sale being permitted as a form of advertising.
The pandemic caused by the SARS-CoV-2 coronavirus has impacted life and the economy in the world since February 2020. And with the deterioration of the economic environment and the levels of employment and purchasing power of the Brazilian population, a significant part of the industry, services, tourism and commerce, which still do not see the end of the problem, accentuated by the tightening of social distance measures and the discovery of variants of the virus, will continue, until the discovery of the cure or mass vaccination, with enormous difficulties. Nevertheless, agribusiness, the country's economic sector that exports and generates the most trade surplus, was not affected and continues to have very favorable prospects, mainly due to Chinese demand, conflicts in Sino-American relations and the strong devaluation of the Brazilian currency. against the dollar. In this context, this article, through a bibliographic and documentary review, analyzed, from the perspective of Sino-Brazilian trade relations, the impacts caused by the pandemic on agricultural product exports between countries, as well as the possible Chinese changes in their strategies for food security and geographical diversification of imports of agricultural products, accelerated by the Covid-19 pandemic and which require special attention on the part of the national sector.
This study is about questioning the regulations still prevailing in the courts and other Brazilian Judicial bodies on what to wear, especially on the gender issue, forming a true exclusion, demonstrated by the mechanism studied by Zygmunt Bauman, and Metatheory of Fraternal Law by Elicia Rest. Through Foucault analyses of biopower and its biopolitics, it is possible to extract more understanding about its uses by the “owners” of power. For the colonial genealogy of these codes and conflicts with post-modernity. Decolonial feminism is used as a key for observing power relations and for that it uses Judith Butler and Rita Seago’s references.
This article intends to discuss the current stage of the Common Market of the Southern Cone – MERCOSUR, questioning why is it still an imperfect customs union after 31 years of existence. To do so, I start with a historical-descriptive discussion of regionalism in Latin America in order to point out the place to which this economic bloc is linked. Subsequently, its erection and some of its main features are outlined in comparison to the European model. This way, in the third section, following an analytical approach, I reflect over some of the reasons why it is not yet a common market. And at the end I conclude that there seems to be a lack of political intention of MERCOSUR’s Members in wanting to achieve its main objective, making this economic block appear to be in constant crisis, particularly in the last few years.
Between June 12 and 17, 2022, the 12th Ministerial Conference of the World Trade Organization (WTO) took place in Geneva. The five themes considered a priority for the Conference were agriculture and food security, WTO response to pandemic, fisheries subsidies, WTO reform and moratorium on custom duties on e-commerce transmissions. The conference took place at a time when the world is facing unprecedented challenges that, if not properly addressed, will reverse many of the achievements of the first two decades of the 21st century in important areas such as food security, fighting hunger, public health, and sustainable development. The increase in protectionism on the part of developed countries, the anti-globalization movement launched by the United States to isolate China from global supply chains, the effects of the Covid-19 pandemic on world trade, the lack of access to vaccines against Covid-19 in the poorest countries and, more recently, the War in Ukraine, have increased the uncertainties that surround the world economy.
This work, approaching aspects of the Timorese Resistance in the last decade of the 20th century, aims to identify and present some international and Brazilian entities and personalities that gave support to the Timorese issue in the struggle for the self-determination of the people, for independence and for the construction of a sovereign state. Taking into account the three fronts of action of the Timorese Resistance (Armed, Clandestine and Diplomatic), the present analysis is dedicated to identifying the international and, in particular, Brazilian action, which, through entities, groups and individuals, publicized the tragedy that occurred in East Timor under the Indonesian invasion and kept the Timorese issue under permanent discussion in the means of their influence, such as the academic, diplomatic and humanistic areas. In principle, in this action across Timorese borders, the following are identified: the academic entities headed by the University of São Paulo and the Pontifical Catholic University of São Paulo; humanistic entities linked, in particular, to the Catholic Church and Brazilian national politics; and, also, individuals who embraced the Timorese cause, giving it a voice, as personalities from the artistic, literary and academic world who were personally involved in the struggle for self-determination of the Timorese people. Besides, of course, governmental organizations, such as the United Nations (UN) and its agencies, and international non-governmental organizations such as the International Platform of Jurists for East Timor. This article is result of study that aims to identify and present some international and Brazilian entities and personalities that gave support to the Timorese issue in the struggle for the self-determination of the people, for independence and for the construction of East Timor as a sovereign state.